This is the last of three articles looking at the war in Ukraine as it reaches the end of its first year, when I consider what lessons can be identified and learned. You can read the first part, in which I discussed the mainstream view that Russia is on the back foot, here, and yesterday’s second part, on what happens next, here.
This is the second of three articles looking at the war in Ukraine as it reaches the end of its first year. In this piece, I will look at what happens next and what winning and losing could look like. Tomorrow: What lessons can be identified and learned?
THIS is the first of three articles looking at the war in Ukraine as it reaches the end of its first year. In this piece, I will attempt to give a view of the current situation and how it has developed.
In a foreign policy speech Thursday, Russian President Vladimir Putin accused Western nations of trying to dominate the world, saying the coming decade will be one of the most dangerous since the end of World War II.
Dividing Ukraine’s population into ‘the people’ and ‘the rest’ where the latter were made to feel subordinate in their ancestral lands to the former was always going to lead to conflict. Yet just as wise counsel of the likes of George Kennan, Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski warned of the grave risks of Nato’s expansion to Russia’s borders, so warnings came aplenty of the dangers of a divisive language policy.
United States and NATO chose to use Ukraine as a tool to weaken Russia by denying its historic dominance in the Black Sea despite criticism from names like Henry Kissinger policy back in 2014.
If the West caves to Zelensky’s demands, this winter could go from cold to nuclear.
Six months to the day since the start of the Russian invasion, here is what to expect for the next six months
U.S. and allied policymakers must resist Ukraine’s attempts to replace unpleasant facts with comfortable fantasies.
The West’s support for Ukraine is partly moral – the upholding of national sovereignty against aggression – but also partly a self-interested desire to weaken Russia as a world player, even if nothing that happens in Ukraine diminishes its nuclear clout.
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